Category Archives: Personal - Page 4

About That Dream

Joseph Michaud writes (in “Runaway Debt threatens American Dream,” July 12th) that “fiscal conservatism, that is, paying one’s own debts, was an integral part of the founding of this nation.” This is not altogether true, since slavery kept generation after generation in debt to slave owners like Jefferson, whom he selectively quotes, and created enduring income inequality.

Poorhouses may have given way to austerity programs but, if we look closely, Republicans like Mr. Michaud are eternally fond of punishing the poor and minorities – even if the strategy doesn’t work. Rather than improving health, housing and education – things that would help the most – the Republican approach is to keep the poor in their place and accuse them of profligacy. This goes for people and nations, a connection Mr. Michaud draws himself.

Michaud cites Greece and Puerto Rico as poster-children for the sins of debt. However, from the beginnings of their associations with the European economic union, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy, and other Southern European nations were hobbled by an uneven playing field. Greece has actually cut its budget by more than 30 percent yet its economy has also shrunk by a third and unemployment has risen to 27 percent. Austerity has been a failure.

By law, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese companies must pay higher interest on credits than German counterparts. Consequently northern Europeans have more flexibility in pricing and financing than their Southern rivals and can be more competitive. These are some of the built-in inequities in the EU that no amount of “fiscal responsibility” can cure.

A century ago Congress passed the Jones-Shafroth Act which exempted interest payments on bonds in Puerto Rico from federal, state, and local income taxes. These triple tax exemptions created a Ponzi scheme that worked for a time because it was easy to refinance . Financial and banking deals were imposed on Puerto Ricans by American-appointed governors and corporations, the colony is still subject to whatever trade agreements the U.S. imposes, and trade with the rest of Latin America is limited by the Jones Act. Puerto Rico is also limited in its bankruptcy and refinancing options by U.S. law. But, by all means, let’s blame the victim.

Mr. Michaud bemoans the high number of people not paying into the system and the large number taking from it. However, he does not mention that among those paying no taxes are huge corporations like: Bank of America; Boeing; Chevron; Citigroup; ConocoPhillips; Corning; Exxon Mobil; General Electric; Goldman Sachs; and PG&E. Fiscal responsibility also means raising revenue to pay bills. But paying taxes is just not in the Republican vocabulary.

Michaud maintains that there are millions of healthy, young people drawing SSDI. Painting an image of a Welfare Queen sitting around munching on donuts, he writes that “the generous entitlement programs we have established to assist the needy are now serving as an enticement to avoid employment.” Mr. Michaud should get out of his office sometime and try living on the patchwork of assistance that troubled families have to. Reality experienced personally might change his outlook.

At least half of food stamp recipients live – and work – in poverty. With average hourly wages of $9 an hour, each Walmart employee costs taxpayers at least $1,000 per year in public assistance. Walmart alone costs the United States $6.2 billion a year. Walmart employees constitute the largest block of Medicaid and food stamp recipients in most states. One in six of Walmart”s 48,000 Pennsylvania employees are enrolled in Medicaid. Walmart is America’s REAL Welfare Queen.

Apart from the working poor, Medicaid enrollment has also risen due to the greying of America. Younger immigrants, rather than drawing on the social safety net, actually pay into it. Again, something Republicans might want to consider.

Michaud notes that three times as much money is spent on “entitlements” as on defense. Sadly, for decades we have had a defense budget – and then we have had a separate war budget, the Homeland Security and spy agency budgets, and the costs of caring for veterans from all our combined wars of choice. These costs combined – our war addiction – approaches the “entitlements” – which wage earners actually contribute to in addition to paying their taxes. Fiscal conservatives preaching “responsibility” never worry about programs like the F-35, which is a $1.5 TRILLION boondoggle. Or the projected $2 TRILLION dollars that care of Iraq and Afghanistan vets, now still in their twenties and thirties, will cost over their lifetimes.

It’s strange that Mr. Michaud’s piece included the phrase, “the American Dream.” Because of income inequality caused by Free Market fundamentalism, greed, and corruption, the American Dream is more distant than ever from the reach of our children and grandchildren. I only hope that we will restore some of that Dream to everyone – not just for the pampered and the privileged.

This was published in the Standard Times on July 28, 2015
http://www.southcoasttoday.com/article/20150728/opinion/150729577

Orfeo

Review of Orfeo by Richard Powers

We don’t fully understand the link with Orfeo (Orpheus) until the end of Richard Powers’ book, when we have to acknowledge Els’ life’s goal in hindsight as the strivings, like Orfeus, of the musical being known for his ability to charm all living things, capable of even moving stones to tears. Like Orfeo, Els dies at the hands of those who cannot hear his divinely-inspired music. The Greek historian Strabo wrote of Orpheus as a mortal suspected of hatching a violent plot by his killers – and this is pretty much what happens to poor Peter Els in the book.

As I began reading Orfeo, it struck me that Peter’s father’s death merited only a quarter of a page, yet the author’s digressions on Kindertotenlieder and his dead dog, Fidelio, and the reminiscences of their attendance of musical funerals (really!) went on for pages. Powers worked a little too hard to sell us the notion that Els was a high-strung music geek – the kind who has a little eight year-old’s erection when he hears dissonant music for the first time. Please. I was really not enjoying the book at first.

But it did eventually get better.

Within short order we learn that Els is obsessed with the notion of creating transcendent music, something good, something unique, something remarkable, something possibly even holy. Unfortunately he cannot seem to find it in a world that filters out so much, that has such a short attention span: a world that generates and treats music like a commodity. Intermixing hints of the godliness of Els’ goals – and hints of a social critique of art in a capitalist society – muddies Powers’ theme.

In the first 70+ pages we find Els persisting in his art, but also taking the occasional shortcut. He experiments with Markov chains – probabilistic state machines that permit new states to be randomly generated. If you’ve heard it – and it exists – Markov chain-generated music is dull and lifeless, even when using many orders of complexity and tweaked by a human hand. It is unsurprising that Els moves on to something more alive – though randomness is at the heart of both his music and his life.

Els is explicitly compared to Faust several times – more muddying. He makes the acquaintance of Richard Bonner, a performance artist and artistic co-conspirator described as “seductive,” and he begins to see the act of making art as not simply bold but subversive. Is Orfeo the story of a Faust’s fatal seductions by a Mephistopheles or is it what happens when artists have impossibly high ambitions and are not understood?

Ultimately, Els’ wife Maddy, once a fringe musician herself but now a responsible wife and mother, begins to appear to him as a “schoolmarm” and his marriage and relationship with daughter Sara founder as he goes his own way and they move to Saint Louis. He lives a somewhat itinerant existence until (by random chance, again) he becomes a lowly adjunct professor in a charity appointment.

Much of the plot of Orfeo is counterposed with events of the Sixties through 9/11. There is the occasional reference to theory of art under capitalism (recalling Adorno and the Frankfurter school). In numerous places music (recounting the experiences of Messaiaen and Shostakovich, for example) is described as subversive to the state, and even Els’ innocent project of producing music with a telephone keypad for his daughter may have had unintended consequences (unwittingly dialing emergency services) that leave him on a Homeland Security watchlist. Creating custom sequences of DNA encoded with music might have seemed like conceptual art to Els, but in post 9/11 Amerika it is an attack on die Heimat, Verrat gegen das Vaterland.

Many reviews of the book seem to peg Orfeo as an exercise in music appreciation, and no doubt Powers adores the composers he describes. However, for “civilians” like me it was also a book about seeking patterns and manipulating them. Many of the obsessions of practitioners of art, music, and literature seem to center on recognition of patterns and concepts, and/or imposing, forcing, shoe-horning, conjuring, or wishing them [just as often inartfully] into some kind of artistic vision. To some degree, everyone in Els’ family is guilty of this offense: his doomed authoritarian father; his brother Paul, a conspiracy theorist; and his sister Susan, living in an ashram in India. Els, either by temperament or choice of collaborators, is looking for meaning in nature and working mightily to convert nature into meaning. Even Els daughter Sara is a data mining whiz – perhaps the ultimate in pattern recognition pursuits. Maybe there’s no avoiding it: it’s just what we humans do.

There is a sequence in the book early on in which Els goes for his morning walk and encounters a Spandex goddess running while listening to her iPod, filtering thousands of melodies by sending them like a concentration camp guard either to the right, where they live for a closer listening later, or to the left, where they meet a certain death. “The job of taste was to thin the insane torrent of human creativity down to manageable levels. But the job of appetite was never to be happy with taste.” We learn that Els has a rule for himself: that he will always listen through to the end of a piece. This flaunts the practices of a society whose teens are drowning in Adderall. After attempting to listen to the hour-long pieces Powers has chosen to describe in the novel, I confess to firmly belonging to the ranks of Adderall philistines. Life is too short to honor or indulge every artist’s notion.

Society’s brutal winnowing principle is not just for the products of art but for artists as well. Society surrounds “dangerous” art and artists like macrophages attacking pathogens – a principle reflected in the paranoia overtaking our nation. “The race now bunkered down behind the barricades, surrounded by illegals and sleeper cells of every imaginable strain.” Once Els goes on the run, someone discovers an old composition of his and “mines” the lyrics for dangerous and subversive references. Society is clearly afraid of challenge and provocation – if nowhere else than in the citizenry’s pointy little heads.

Els is painfully aware that his artistic search is not bringing him any pleasure, nor does it seem to bring anyone else much. In England after a traffic-direction miscalculation has killed his mother while vacationing there, Els goes to a pub and sees happy publicans singing to crude tunes: “People at pushed-together tables sang club football songs, swaying to more communal pleasure in three minutes than Peter’s music had created in thirty years.” How easy it is for artists to doubt themselves. And sometimes with inexplicably good reason.

Our protagonist lives in an age in which randomness, chaos, and lack of control are what truly set the world in motion. And why should his art not reflect this reality? Watching the Arab Spring unfold, we see it through Els’ eyes: “As in every large production Els had ever worked on, chaos called the tune.” Thus, we can imagine, his interest in musical DNA was hatched.

Still in England, Els visits his first love, Clara, who has set him on his artistic trajectory. They have dinner and she takes him upstairs to her bedroom, telling him everything is on the table, anything is possible – and he flees from her. It seems tragic to the reader but Els senses the same danger in Clara that society senses in him – and he does not have the courage to live life on these terms. He really doesn’t know in which world he belongs. On the one hand, he is Sara’s father (“make something good, daddy”) and on the other a subversive wannabe. This is the tragedy of the book. He cannot be a god.

Els eventually writes an opera entitled “City of God.” It is a Reformation tragedy based on actual events in Münster, Germany. A group of Protestant religious fanatics who have become polygamists believe the earthly world must end before a heavenly kingdom replaces it. Bonner is a collaborator in the production, but it is threatened by oddly similar events unfolding in real time in Waco, Texas. We learn that Els is not in the enterprise solely for fame, since he pulls away from his own opera when Waco hits the news. Something else motivates him (l’art pour l’art)? Somehow we start taking his music more seriously, seeing him as more artistically principled, but simultaneously as more timid.

Els, based on positive reviews of his opera, is then offered a job as an adjunct music professor and one of his students comes for musical advice, showing him a complex composition it turns out was written by software called “Sibelius” – a “program that turns an average tunesmith into Orpheus.” Shortcuts call out to Els again. Is he himself an average tunesmith who needs a lab full of DNA to make him another Orpheus. The answer is: yes.

After concocting his test-tube music and being investigated after his dog’s death, the seventy-one year-old Els goes on the run, first visiting a therapist with whom he once had an affair, his ex-wife, Bonner (now in an Arizona care facility for Alzheimer’s patients), and finally his daughter. By now we have learned that Els has tinnitus, brain lesions which have affected his musical sensibilities, and Bonner has convinced him that, as long as he is considered a terrorist, he might as well engender a little terror – by leaving a trail of vaguely incriminating Tweets. As Els navigates to his daughter’s house in a borrowed car with “the Voice” app on a borrowed cellphone, he notices the marks of tramps and vagrants on the highway, recalling a composer who memorialized them. To a consummate pattern-seeker like Els there are signs and wonders everywhere. His frame of reference has always been musical, but ultimately all of life is just random noise.

Finally Els arrives at his daughter’s house. He notices she has a piano and has not, apparently, rejected everything musically important to him. But, having sufficiently alarmed Homeland Security, Els is now surrounded by a SWAT team. With his musical powers gone and seeing his life as one huge mistake, Els decides to “arm” himself with a thin flower vase – art as a weapon – all too easily confused with a beaker of pathogens. We know how this sad story is going to end – and in the tragic end the novel is ultimately focused on society’s fear of art and the difficult path to it by artists of any stripe – not solely as a music appreciation project by Powers, the failed composer.

Antonin Scalia

The Supreme Court has ruled. Obamacare stands. But Steve DiMarzo isn’t happy and feels that only champions of insanity and inanity like Ted Cruz and Antonin Scalia can save us from decline.

Ted Cruz is an amusing sideshow, but Scalia serves on the bench, so let’s take a look at the ruling that DiMarzo mentions in his letter.

In summarizing “King et al. versus Burwell” for the majority, Justice Roberts wrote:

“The Act gives each State the opportunity to establish its own Exchange, but provides that the Federal Government will establish ‘such Exchange’ if the State does not. (42 U.S.C. §§180 31, 18041).”

Under the Act, states were to get the first shot at establishing their own exchanges but in their absence a federal exchange would provide similar services. Despite quibbling over some wording, the Supreme Court majority upheld Congress:

“Congress passed the Affordable Care Act to improve health insurance markets, not to destroy them. If at all possible, we must interpret the Act in a way that is consistent with the former, and avoids the latter. Section 36B can fairly be read consistent with what we see as Congress’s plan, and that is the reading we adopt.”

Writing for the minority dissent, however, Justice Antonin Scalia could barely contain his anger and demonstrated that he is a man with seriously disordered thought.

Scalia excoriates the majority, calling its ruling “absurd,” that “words no longer have meaning,” that the majority’s ruling exhibits “no semblance of shame.” He argues hotly that the Secretary of Health and Human Services is not a state. (But of course neither are the governmental officials running our Massachusetts exchange.) Scalia also completely ignores the legitimacy of the federal exchange and only recognizes state exchanges. Ultimately all he can do is sputter and call the majority’s opinion “pure applesauce.”

Scalia then slams the tax credits by which the federal-state partnership works as the majority’s “interpretive jiggery-pokery,” proving that for Scalia himself words truly have no meaning. What does his bizarre expression even mean? And why are the Affordable Care Act’s complex tax provisions any more objectionable than the rest of a tax code that privileges corporations and the extremely wealthy?

And if Scalia is such a keen and literal reader of the Constitution, why are corporations now considered to be people? Why does he not scrupulously support Fourth Amendment rights regarding personal “effects” and the unequivocal requirements for warrants? Why doesn’t Scalia read the Second Amendment as referring not to individual rights to bear arms but the collective right to establish militias?

Or could it be that the Justice has applesauce between his ears?

Speaking recently at his granddaughter’s graduation, Scalia remarked, “Humanity has been around for at least some 5,000 years or so.” Actually humanity has been around for at least a hundred thousand – and longer if we include our close human relatives.

Here is a man divorced from reality, ignorant or antipathetic to science, an angry, inconsistent, ideologue given to incoherent argument and babbling. Scalia is a walking example of precisely WHY the Court is in decline and an argument for the need to have term limits on Supreme Court justices – or at least to be able to recall those unfit for service.

So if Steve DiMarzo wants to recommend someone to save the country – he’d better keep looking.

This was published in the Standard Times on July 3, 2015
http://www.southcoasttoday.com/article/20150703/opinion/150709802

It’s About Politics

Recent letters in these pages have attributed the Charlie Hebdo attack to inchoate hatred of Jews. It is inconceivable or insignificant to the writers that American foreign policy or Israeli domestic policy had anything to do with it.

Similarly, writers Left and Right have reframed the story as one in which democracy and freedom of speech are under attack. “They” hate us for what we have, for who we are, for the freedoms we exercise. From Lindsay Graham to Bill Maher, the only conclusions Americans seem able to draw are (1) Western civilization is at war with people who want to live in the Neolithic Age, and (2) Islam is totally incompatible with democracy. No other narratives are ever used to rationally explain Al Qaeda’s and ISIS’s successes. And we won’t hear of it.

Bin Laden’s November 2002 “Letter to America” in the Guardian addresses two issues: why al Qaeda opposes the West and what it wants from it. The first answer to the first question addressed Palestine. He wrote: “Why are we fighting and opposing you? The answer is very simple: (1) Because you attacked us and continue to attack us. a) You attacked us in Palestine…” To Bin Laden Israel in Palestine was just another example of Western imperialism.

But we know better.

Bin Laden’s other talking points concerned Western involvement in the Middle East and the exploitation of the world’s resources to satisfy a consumer culture he regarded as immoral. He took the West to task for coddling Israel, nuclear hypocrisy, and for U.S. foreign policy and military bases throughout the Middle East, particularly in Saudi Arabia.

But we know better.

History tells us: that the West carved up the Middle East; that it unleashed Wahhabism against the Ottomans; that the U.S. built Al Qaeda as a proxy to fight Russia in Afghanistan; that “Western” Israel formed Hamas to challenge the PLO; that the U.S. left Shias to die in the first Gulf War and disenfranchised Sunnis in the next; that it inadvertently armed ISIL; that the West’s “coalition of the willing” destroyed and destabilized Iraq, Syria and Libya through regime change masquerading as defense of civilians suffering state terror; that the new GOP Congress wants to add Iran to our national catalog of military disasters.

But we know better.

Didier Francois, a French journalist who was held almost a year by ISIS, was interviewed recently by CNN reporter Christiane Amanpour. When asked about the Western-educated converts to ISIS, Francois responded, “There was never really discussion about texts or — it was not a religious discussion. It was a political discussion. It was more hammering what they were believing than teaching us about the Quran.”

But we know better.

Analysts in the intelligence agencies know that ISIS and Al Qaeda ranks are swollen with ex-Baathists and anti-Assad Syrians. They also contain a sobering number of Western-born and Western-educated Muslims who are radicalized by domestic racism, growing surveillance states, unemployment and consumer culture. They and their lone-wolf brethren are radicalized in part by the realization that their own countries are not quite the democracies they claim to be, and their heritage permits them to see Colonialism with a clear eye. But ultimately they are radicalized by being told to “go home,” that they don’t belong in England or France or Germany. Or the U.S. And by joining ISIS they think they’re going home.

As Didier Francois tells us, though, it’s not the Quran. It’s politics.

And yet we only see a military solution. Americans all-too-quickly resort to war. War is not our last resort. It is pretty much our only resort. As long as we consistently choose to fight without thinking of the political dimensions, the war against ISIS and any future mutations will have only one casualty: our own civil liberties and democracy.

Only after we finally admit our foreign and domestic policies have been a failure and actually encourage recruitment to ISIS and Al Qaeda — and we alter them — will we be able to have any kind of peace.

Until then, we know better.

Seasons Greetings – Winter 2014

Dear Friends and Family,

I dropped out of Facebook a couple of years ago and do miss keeping up with people. But I’m not sure either Mr. Zuckerberg or the NSA have my best interests in mind, so I prefer to go low-tech or retro. No, I’m not talking about hand-written letters. Just ole-fashioned email.

For the last few years we have spent our winters in warm places like Mexico and New Mexico. This year we decided to stay close to home and see if global warming might work in our favor. So far, so good, but we’ll know around February just how good an idea it really was. But winter here is beautiful…

Dartmouth in winter
Dartmouth in winter

One thing about sticking around for the winter is that it provides continuity and opportunities to commit to things year-round. Since leaving the computer world, I’ve gotten rid of almost all my computer books (anybody want the rest?) and have been trying (mostly unsuccessfully) to write. Letters to the editor flow easily from responses to the daily insanity all around us. Plays and fiction, however, are much more difficult.

Telling stories people want to watch, or read, requires a lot of skill, patience, practice, and observation of humans as they go about their business. Needless to say, a career in computers did not completely prepare me for this. Still, I do have things to say and – as a Boston writer who began in his seventies told me recently – after you retire there’s really only one deadline.

Writing
Writing

Besides writing, I have been volunteering. Last year I took a training class to learn how to teach English as a Second Language and I’m now putting it to good use at New Bedford’s Adult Learning Center – part of the city schools for adults returning to earn high school equivalency degrees and for immigrants to learn English. I really like it a lot. It has all the perks of teaching – watching people light up when they finally understand something – and none of the downside – classroom management or detailed lesson planning.

On Mondays I work with two separate groups of 4-6 students on some aspect of high school equivalency – English or Math, generally. I work from existing lesson plans and just add my 2c worth. Tuesdays and Wednesdays I work with students whose native languages are Vietnamese, Chinese, Haitian Creole, Portuguese and Spanish. I get a kick out of speaking Spanish (mine isn’t too awful), Portuguese (which is pretty atrocious), and resurrecting my French.

Adult Learning Center on Hillman Street
Adult Learning Center on Hillman Street

In addition to all the other things she does, Deborah continues to do great photography. You can see what she’s up to at http://debehrens.com/. Since she does not share my tin-foil hat, semi-Luddite sentiments, she is on Facebook and I presume everyone is already up-to-date on what she had for breakfast this morning.

Deborah on the other end of the lens
Deborah on the other end of the lens

Amelia just graduated from Bentley University with an MBA and a master’s in marketing analytics and starts a new job in September after doing some travel and improving her Spanish. The plan is to move to Philadelphia and commute to work in Wilmington, Delaware. She and Deborah had a chance to travel to Iceland together last Fall and we have some great pictures of the both of them looking like serious outdoorswomen with their ice picks, standing on glaciers that will not be around in 50 years. You can download a PDF version of the book that Deborah did after the trip.

Amelia and Ben
Amelia and Ben

Ben graduated with a degree in economics from the University of Puget Sound and worked for a couple of tech companies in Utah before concluding that office life is not for him. He did some traveling and thinking about the future over the summer – to India and then Portugal, where I met him after he had been there for six weeks. He’s currently looking for work that doesn’t involve life in a cubicle.

Lisbon
Lisbon

Ben and I traveled for two weeks through Portugal and Spain together. How many dads get to do this with their grown sons? Portugal was beautiful and the people were really nice, but I can’t speak Portuguese very well. It was obvious I was a tourist and I didn’t really get a sense of confidence back until we had arrived in Spain, where I can handle the language. I had forgotten to get an international driver’s license, so Ben did all the driving for a week – which was just as well because the rotaries in Spain are even more terrifying than the ones in Boston.

We used AirBnb instead of hotels, which turned out to be really great and inexpensive. The people we met were really nice, and we ended up staying in Cartagena with a couple who owned a gallery in town. I would go back to Cartagena in a heartbeat, and I really liked Valencia too, although it is a very busy city. But at 2:00pm it’s as if the lights have gone out. Boom! Siesta. Things don’t resume until 4:45. In a cascade of clock time, dinner is then later and people then stay up till the wee hours, even taking their kids to toddler-friendly bars (if you can imagine such a thing). Barcelona was interesting, busy, and filled with things to see and do too, but it seemed to be more weary and sad than Valencia.

Berlin
Berlin

We got to the Barcelona airport early one morning and both departed within 15 minutes of each other. Ben went back to the States via Stockholm, and I went on to Berlin – a city that’s been on my “bucket list” for some time. I don’t have much talent for videos, epublications, or photos, but I managed to put together a slide show with some highlights of my trip.

Going on to Germany by myself was a good thing. I had lived and worked in Germany in the 1970s and, though I keep up somewhat by reading, I have had very few opportunites to speak the language. I wanted to see some plays auf Deutsch and I did. One, Tape, was merely OK, even though the actress, Nina Hoss, was famous even outside Germany. But the other play, Verrücktes Blut, was outstanding. In it, a group of immigrant high-schoolers practically terrorizes their sweet little German teacher. A gun falls from someone’s backpack, the teacher grabs it and holds the students hostage, and they are forced to act out Schiller’s Die Räuber as both teacher and students learn something about multiculturalism. The play was stunning, excellent, and the acting was as well. The cast came out for maybe 10 curtain calls.

You can’t go anywhere in Berlin without running into history – whether it’s Prussian, Nazi, East German, artistic, literary, scientific or Jewish. The Jewish museum is built at odd angles and the whole effect is disorienting. There is one exhibit in which you trudge through a roomful of metal disks making a terrific clanging, hammering sound. If you look down you notice each disk was cut by torch into the face of a person. As you look out before you, there is a veritable sea of humanity being walked upon. Most of the exhibits, though, inform younger Germans how the Holocaust happened and remind them of the huge loss of a part of their society.

I had many great conversations with my AirBnb host who gave me a tour of Kreuzberg (sort of the Berkeley or Cambridge of Berlin). And as you walk around the city, you hear every language spoken. It is an incredibly cosmopolitan city, and Berliners are proud that it is – once again. As always, people are people. I was in a rush to catch a bus to an Eastern district where an old Soviet park had been built. I arrived at the bus stop where the driver was having a smoke. I asked him if this was where one catches the so-and-so bus. Was? Kein Guten Tag? What? No Howdy Do? he asked. Having appropriately busted my chops, I apologized for my brusqueness and then – I was 20 minutes early – we had a long conversation about life in East Germany, where he had lived before the wall came down. When it was time to get going he told me to sit behind him and he’d tell me exactly where to get out of the bus to find the Soviet memorial. Otherwise you’ll miss it. You can’t go anywhere in Berlin without running into history.

And so I’m here for the winter, I think of it as being in experimental mode. But I’m surrounded by family and friends, and have interesting and meaningful things to do. That’s almost the definition of blessed.

I hope 2015 brings you the same blessings, health and Peace and Goodwill – though experience says hoping for these last two is a bit unreasonable.

Well, the hell with it. Here’s to a Happy and Healthy 2015 – and unreasonable expectations!

With warm regards,

David

Train Wreck

Train wreck
Train wreck

I had an overwhelmingly negative reaction to Pascal Mercier’s “Night Train to Lisbon,” a book our reader’s group chose this month. After a couple hundred pages it was clear to me that things were not going to get better but I ploughed on, hoping for the best. Unfortunately, the author never give it to us.

In theater, when someone says “hey, want some peanuts?” it’s something you notice. The second time it’s either a coincidence or a phrase that puts the audience on alert. The third time you hear “hey, want some peanuts?” you’ve entered the world of farce. This is what happens when a boring Swiss man, who can just barely manage to read Portuguese with the aid of a dictionary, is showered with manuscript after manuscript after letter after letter after note after valedictory speech by people who eagerly and inexplicably invite him into their lives — and who all seem to have reams of the stuff — never (as one would expect) in a single closet or shoebox. And, to boot, these are all people who just happen to be able to recite, verbatim and at theatrical length, arcane passages from these profound nuggets they have preserved apparently just for the eyes of the Good Burgher Gregorius — people who are always alive after 80 or 90 years, and who are always conveniently at home when Gregorius calls. Farce.

Then I disliked our epistolary hero, Amadeus. The dude had it all — money, private schools, parents who encouraged him, pushed him to excel, sisters who worshipped him. He had looks, brains, and talent. Yet he spent his life whining about everything. Where did all this Weltschmerz come from? And it is a mystery to me, given the vast quantity of letters he appears to have written incessantly, how he actually managed to study for medical school or even run a practice. Maybe it’s just me but, despite the many observations he raised in the hundreds of pages of italics which have now permanently damaged my eyes, there was never a true center to Amadeus. Thus the many relationships he had with friends, family, comrades, his wife, or his lover, were like gears that never actually meshed in reality. Mercier only projects a cardboard gearworks. This book, then, was never anything more than a highbrow Harlequin romance.

If I disliked Amadeus, I despised Gregorius. Here was a guy who chose to spend his life being a shmoe, with his nose firmly stuck only in past realities — or more accurately – in comforting fictions. And he had absolutely no sense of the world he actually lived in. Personally, I can identify on one level with a fellow with bad eyesight who loves languages and is bewitched by a feeling that speaking in, and living in, a different culture gives you a kind of second life. But Gregorius had such an unbelievably tenuous grasp of the reality around him, even in Portugal, that the book just didn’t work for me. Gregorius was less than the cardboard cutout Mercier presents us.

I wrote these notes in Mexico, where many people have done precisely what Gregorius did — taken off suddenly and started a new life. But you know what? These people manage to have cocktail parties, spouses, friends, hobbies, pictures on the wall, and they don’t take up trying to learn Farsi while simultaneously memorizing Spanish conjugations at the Gringo language schools. I wanted to slap Gregorius. Hard. But then he had that mysterious neurological condition that went nowhere, like most of the plotlines in the book.

For a book written in the God voice, Mercier’s characters are incredibly two dimensional, especially the women. In over 400 pages, we should have known Gregorius’ mind much better, or that of his sisters. But with an excess of blah-blah and an almost total lack of dialog, how could we ever learn who any of these people are?

Then there’s what passes for plot. Besides the massive number of PASSAGENS INSUPORTAVELMENTES PRESUMIDOS UNBEARABLY PRETENTIOUS PASSAGES a reader must suffer, I kept waiting for something to happen. And, as the joke goes about a waiting Swiss wife, nothing much ever did. The structure of the whole book rests on flat, inconsistent, implausible characters and piles of disconnected thought written in a score of third person voices, all of which sound suspiciously identical.

And why the hell would Gregorius ever begin his quest in the first place? An apparently suicidal woman writes a phone number on his forehead and he instantly decides to run off to Portugal? Please! We never learn who is on the other end of the phone in Lisbon, but it was apparently a working number — unlike our protagonist. To me this dropped detail, one of dozens, points to shoddy literary workmanship. Mercier’s book reminds me of THE ARTIST. I know both the book and the modern silent film won awards for their — uniqueness — but I just can’t see why.

One of the things our bourgeois, prep-school revolutionary, Señhor Amadeus, rails against is Kitsch. If he had ever truly been a living, breathing character, he’d be rolling over in his Lisbon grave over this book.

One of the definitions of the German loan word Kitsch is “a tasteless copy of a work of real art.” Another common definition is “art that chooses aesthetics that convey exaggerated sentimentality and melodrama.” I think both of these more than apply to the book. Mercier’s characters constantly spew forth melodramatic utterances worthy of Mexican telenovelas. But, frankly, all the characters sound the same. Whether it’s Amadeus at seventeen or Jorge, or Adriana, or Silveira.

Our old friend, the real writer, Milan Kundera, calls Kitsch “the absolute denial of shit” – in other words, a sanitized, Disneyesque reality that poses no real questions and only forces sentimentality down our throats. While Mercier makes hundreds of sad observations, there is no truly coherent point of view, there are no questions asked in earnest. Only incessant “why mommy’s.”

Art historian Clement Greenberg (Art and Culture, 1978) equates uninspired adherence to “academic” schools of thought with Kitsch. Mercier may not belong to an Academie des Beaux Arts but, when we peel away his pseudonym, it turns out that Herr Doktor Peter Bieri is indeed an ex-academic who (in extreme contrast to some of my esteemed ex-academic, truly artistic friends) has not strayed far from the dusty papers of a past life as philosopher of time, mind, and ethics. Sadly, we are treated to pages of italicized ramblings that I suspect have largely been pulled from Bieri’s own private journals.

Ultimately, Gregorius returns to Bern, looks up his ex-wife, gets checked into a clinic by his Greek opthalmologist chess-playing, always on-call for psychological counseling buddy, and the novel grinds to a merciful but long-overdue end. But in the absence of any real plot or meaningful character development, the ending is very unsatisfying — especially after 438 pages of literary torture.

Will Gregorius put on his new glasses and stylish clothes, fuck the brains out of Florence and take her off to Salamanca – or anywhere but Bern? Or will he stay in those thick glasses and academic corduroy and go back to the dreary job that Kägi is holding for him?

You know what? Who gives a shit?

A strange form of encouragement

Daniel McIvor

I have only walked out of one play in my entire life.

“House,” by Daniel McIvor, would have been the second — if I had been able to extricate myself, unnoticed, from the tiny theater. For 85 minutes I winced at the dated, misogynist, and gratuitously oddball humor of the playwright, delivered by an otherwise capable actor.

It was painful and it was embarrassing.

One of the great things about San Miguel de Allende is the number of Canadians who, at times, seem to outnumber their American Gringo compañeros. Because of this, we sheltered estadounidenses are exposed to playwrights like Norm Foster, for example, who otherwise go unnoticed in the US. Daniel McIvor is another.

Yet on this particular night, while the largely Canadian audience was roaring with laughter, I found the play so totally devoid of humor and pathos that I wondered if there just might be a distinctly Canadian sense of humor I couldn’t grasp.

The experience did have a silver lining, however. When I get home, these tickets are going up on my bulletin board to remind me that there really are plays much worse than my own first steps in this craft.

Culture Park 2012

Yesterday I caught the 2012 Culture*Park Short Plays Marathon at the New Bedford Whaling Museum. I had the best ten hours. A few people from my playwriting group and a few friends were there, some of whose plays were being performed. My son met me toward the end of the marathon, seeing the kind of thing that has captured the old man’s fancy. Last night all was right with the universe.

As with anything, some plays had rough edges, but most were pretty good and quite entertaining — and some were excellent. As a beginning playwright, I learned a few things from several of them. Those that really connected with the audience’s emotions were those I paid particular attention to:

Bad Coffee by novelist, poet, director and playwright Pat Hegnauer depicts a novelist’s character haranguing her to promote the book and keep alive the world she has created. Hegnauer writes poetically, creating believable, moving and quite humorous dialogue. At the end, the writer’s character succeeds in keeping her world alive, something we of course have been rooting for all along. The takeaway for me was that powerful, moving language is often sufficient to carry a short play, especially if you really love your characters and don’t want to torture them too much.

Gin and Ashes by poet/playwright Kim Baker is the story of a daughter who has come to the hospital to obtain durable power of attorney for her terminally-ill mother and instead resolves a few mother-daughter issues. The characters are sparingly painted, yet we feel we know them. How does Baker do that? Playwrights can construct elaborate biographies for characters but, in the end, it’s the writing, not the detail, that makes them real and makes us love them.

How Kim Sa-Rang Got Her Name by Will Arbery is the story of a child who has been left to starve by negligent parents. Her desperate entreaties first appeal more to reason, then become more desperately emotional. Perhaps the writer’s artifice is easily-enough recognized, but it sure succeeds.

Wish by Kelly DuMar is the story of a woman who comes to a room in a convalescent home to visit a father who years ago raped her, leading to the birth of a child who then was taken from her. It compresses a life of pain into the thimble that is a ten minute play. The protagonist comes to confront her father, but all he can do is babble. The symbolism of her stealing his watch at the play’s beginning, then placing it back on his wrist at the end of the play, was just the right touch. The resolution is that, though she would like to steal back a lost life, she now accepts that she can never get back that time.

There were many more I loved, including a side-splitting, funny encounter between two drunken Bruins fans, a surprisingly poignant cooking lesson by a refugee, a tale from the Holocaust, a wonderful first play by a talented theater student, various studies of relationships, a wickedly funny, cynical piece on political campaigning, and several others. How great that New Bedford has Culture*Park!

The Kindness of Strangers

Jerry L. Kastenbaum
Coatesville, PA

Dear Jerry,

As we get older we look back on the sometimes strange paths our lives have taken, the odd choices we have made, fortuitous and tragic events that have shaped it, and the many people we have encountered on the way who – sometimes without knowing it themselves – said something or did something that took us down a different road.

I am retired now and volunteer as a tutor at an urban school, and I was thinking about this, mainly in the context of the 5th graders I work with, and the group of volunteers who come twice a week, sometimes just to give the kids some attention. But then, of course, I realized how fortunate I myself have been to encounter the kindness of others.

Your father, Bernie, was one of the people who, probably without knowing it, changed my life. In the late Sixties I was a kid from a troubled family. Fortunately for me, at the end of the trolley tracks in Media, your father had opened a used bookstore. For me it was more than just an escape into reading. Every time I visited his store, your father would say this or that about a book, suggest something, or sell me a bundle of books he liked. And we would talk a bit. I still have many of the books: Toynbee, Malinowski, Malamud, literature, anthropology, history, politics, sociology, religion. He even sold me a Koran under protest once, describing it in somewhat unflattering terms. Without knowing it, your father opened up a world of ideas to me – ideas that were not even necessarily familiar to him – just by chatting with me, feeding and respecting the mind of some teenager he barely knew.

Our public and private sides are often different. I don’t know what kind of man he was to family and friends. Part of me hopes he was just as I imagined him: the quiet, humorous, cultured, self-deprecating pipe-smoker I encountered each time. He never seemed to have any customers, and he would joke that the store only existed because his wife needed him to get out of the house and do something. Your father’s Jewishness and the way he spoke of things may well have influenced me too. Coming from a family without religion, I became a Jew thirty-some years ago and, while not very observant, Jewish ethics express my values best and reflect what I have tried to pass on to my children.

The kindnesses of strangers – the seemingly insignificant, half-forgotten things we do for others – they are greatly underrated. They can literally change lives. You dad’s kindness changed mine. I’m so sorry I never got to tell him this personally.

Sincerely,

David Ehrens

Crazy Stuff

Good grief. Who says that low-information voters are undecided? Bernard P. Giroux (October 15th) ticks off a number of reasons voters should reject Elizabeth Warren. Most of them rest on hysterical fact-twisting.

Giroux states that Warren’s political principles will require a “re-write of the Constitution.” As he should know, the last change to the Constitution was in 1971, to give 18-year-olds the right to vote. Almost all 27 amendments improved upon our civil liberties or closed electoral loopholes. The usual method of amending the Constitution requires a two-thirds majority in each house of congress and approval by three-fourths of all states. So what’s the point of his nonsense? Hysterical fear-mongering.

Mr. Giroux questions why an accomplished, tenured professor would give up a five-digit salary in academe for a five-digit salary as a Senator. He seizes on the first notion that pops into his head: “One reason comes to mind: power,” he writes. I seem to recall, from the same citizenship class Mr. Giroux apparently skipped, that our political system is based on a consensus-conflict model, in which political parties are in perpetual political arm-wrestling matches with one another. So – yes – power is the reason both candidates are competing, vying, running, fighting – all power verbs, you’ll notice.

I don’t know what Giroux has been reading, but he uses the word “statism” too broadly and as if it were a filthy word. Statism, in its simplest and most obvious meaning, indicates that a country is not left to anarchy or mob rule but its day-to-day functions are managed by – a state. The current crop of Republicans may prefer that we all live in the unpaved boonies, home-schooling our kids, and receiving faith-based services. But the “Somalian option” – letting states fail their own people – is still fortunately not very popular.

There were criticisms from both the Right and Left on how the TARP program was implemented. But Giroux chooses to ignore the millions of jobs and homes preserved by government interventions and modest US economic growth in the face of serious economic downturns in the EU, Japan, and even softening of the Chinese economy. Many believe more domestic progress would have been made if the Republicans had not made demonizing a Black, Muslim, Kenyan, Indonesian, Communist president their only priority.

Giroux writes, “living under statist rules means that you are not free to be an American. The statist will control everything you do in life and make you subservient.” As Joe Biden would say, “Stuff!”. Mr. Giroux’s political buddies are more than happy to tell women what they may or may not do with their bodies. These buddies are not averse to increasing the size of the Department of Defense by a couple trillion dollars here or rolling out more domestic Homeland Security surveillance programs there – or starting unfunded wars of choice. Republicans love Big Government – especially when energy, defense and aerospace contractors are doing so well.

But the fact is: the choice Massachusetts voters have between Elizabeth Warren and her Indjun-bashing opponent is not about the size of the state, but about priorities.

And here Mr. Giroux and I agree. He asks “Would it not be better to be in a country where the government flows from the people?” Absolutely. That’s precisely what Senatorial elections are for – voters weighing in on national priorities. And early polls show that the priorities Elizabeth Warren is campaigning for are the ones voters like.

This was published in the Standard Times on October 17, 2012
http://www.southcoasttoday.com/article/20121017/opinion/210170312

Stiglitz on Income Inequality

Joseph E. Stiglitz writes in his new book, and in a recent article: the US is first in income inequality in the world, and it’s getting even worse. Social mobility is greater even in “old Europe” than here. The six Wal-Mart heirs own as much as the bottom 30% of the entire United States! So much for the “American Dream.” Kids, go to grad school abroad, then stay there.

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On Human Kindness

As I get older I find myself more in touch with emotions. How did they sneak up on me with such stealth? There’s the unavoidable outrage at a nation that has lost any morality it ever had in turning its back on the poor and minorities; anger at wars, xenophobia, and the loss of human and civil rights. It doesn’t take more than a few minutes of any news program to get me all worked up. I don’t think I can change. I don’t even think I want to change. But the tears are always there too. Sometimes it’s because of unexpected kindnesses or the rediscovery that humanity still insists on expressing its humanness. A young, healthy kid hauls off and gives a kidney to a perfect stranger. An anonymous person pays the rent for a family facing homelessness. Or my daughter organizes her friends to walk to raise money for breast cancer research. Even little kindnesses wash over me and I am filled with gratitude and a sense of relief that there’s still hope for us.

But always present is despair over the kind of world we are leaving behind. Look around and note the contempt with which most people hold their neighbor. We all, even the poor, may have cable television and smart cell phones, but we are all disposable – in the way that feudal serfs, child laborers in turn-of-the-century textile factories, or present-day coal miners are. The young especially are disposable, both on proliferating battlefields and on our streets.

The other day I received an email from the school where I teach one afternoon each week. It said that the older brother of one of my students had died and there would be grief counseling. This is a school where the volunteers and community feel enormous pride in, and a connection to, both the students and their families. Although I did not know my student’s brother, attending his funeral service as a sign of respect just seemed like the right thing to do for a family that is trying so hard to make a better world for each one of their children.

As I put on my “funeral” jacket, a piece of paper fell from the pocket. It was a handout from the service of a friend’s father, a man in his eighties who had lived a full and happy life surrounded by children and grandchildren and friends who cared about him. His final trip to the cemetery, the prayers said for him, the elderly veterans who presented his wife with a flag – all these elements were common to each man of his generation as he left the world on the same well-traveled path.

The funeral service for this young man was no different. The number of people in the evangelical church was astounding: his family, friends, neighbors, people from the wider community, various religious organizations, community organizers working against youth violence, even some gang members. There were Old and New Testament readings, music, benedictions, poetry, a eulogy, and one heartfelt appeal to end a cycle of violence between, literally, family members. “We’re all family here. We all have the same names.” On one side of the memorial handout was the song “Amazing Grace.” Like my friend’s elderly father, this young man also walked a well-traveled path, more tragic and much shorter.

As I paid my respects to his family and considered his senseless death, it was impossible not to be deeply moved by both the best and worst of what humans do to each other.

After the service I hugged a couple of students who were there for their classmate. As I walked over to them, my first impulse was to offer comfort, but of course things always work out to be not quite what you expect. My students knew their world better than anyone. They were the ones comforting me.

OWS and Morality

Stuart Forman (“Moral obligation must underpin Occupy movement“) looks at the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement and sees in its reflection a society beset by existential worries, alienated by not having the opportunity to contribute, by consumerism, and by the loss of meaning. His is largely a psychological analysis with a moral solution. The poorly-titled letter suggests Stuart’s prescription is for the OWS movement itself to find or promote morality, but we should actually let his arguments speak for themselves: society should be based on the common good and not dedicated to greed. This in fact is what OWS is saying as well. And isn’t this moral enough?

Stuart somewhat unfairly charges that the OWS movement has failed to articulate its goals, although its demands have been clear and unambiguous: among others, re-regulating the financial industry, single-payer health care, affordable student loans, commitment to a national energy program, rolling back the Patriot act, election reform, immigration reform, ceasing to be the world’s policeman, and ensuring that everyone pays their fair share of taxes. While there is no progressive equivalent of Grover Norquist or Glen Beck to hammer away on private media outlets at its dearest issues, OWS is not a top-down movement, so let’s not confuse a diversity of demands and people for a failure to articulate. As Stuart acknowledges, the “system” is in trouble, and lots of things need to be fixed. The OWS people have articulated enough specific reforms for anyone who really wants to listen. Now all that is needed is a political party which represents average Americans and not corporate lobbyists.

There may be a few within the OWS movement who question the entire economic system, but most are looking for a return to a Social Contract that applies to all citizens, not just a small percent. What are our responsibilities toward society and government, and what are its responsibilities toward us? Why is it we live with each other? These questions may have a psychological or a moral dimension, but they are essentially political questions. The moral philosophy of a John Rawls, whom Stuart mentions, is only one approach toward understanding or defining a Social Contract. Ensuring that all of society’s stakeholders are adequately represented by principled political parties and laws which do not privilege one group over another is another. Ultimately, fighting for reforms politically, rather than making appeals to morality, is more likely to produce the real change Americans are still looking for. In the marketplace of ideas and politics, this requires punishing politicians who fail to represent us and demanding that those we have elected do represent us. It is not the lack of morality so much as apathy and ignorance which have created this sick system.

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Wishful Thinking

Barney Frank has proposed cutting European allies’ military aid in order to reduce the total military budget by 25%. Frank has mentioned numerous European nations by name.

However, the U.S. actually provides very little military aid to Europe, as it turns out. According to U.S. Government statistics for 2009 which can be found at http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/2012/tables/12s1299.pdf, all European nations combined received a total of $210 million (with a little “m” and not a “b”). The following nations were included in this calculation: Albania, Armenia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Kosovo, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Ukraine, and the United Kingdom. Congressman Frank will be relieved that Denmark and Italy are not among them.

However, if we look at the 2009 recipients of more than $100 million in aid, the top eight were: Afghanistan (5.7 billion), Israel (2.38 billion), Egypt (1.3), Pakistan (429 million), Jordan (238 million), all of Europe combined (201 million), and Somalia (102 million).

The United States maintains a network of over a thousand military bases in 150 countries. This is where the costs rack up. For example, Germany receives nothing besides rent for permitting the U.S. to maintain the Landstuhl military hospital and base. However, the U.S. is unlikely to shut down Landstuhl because this is where KIA and injured service members from the Middle East are sent before returning to the U.S. It serves no purpose to Germans. And as several years of wrangling with Iraq attests, the military does not willingly shut down bases and a “patriotic” Congress does not have the guts to force it to.

Some of the money allocated to Europe also goes toward the U.S. commitment to NATO. Long after the Cold War has ended and the Soviet Union was dismantled, we are still unwilling to give up those bases and dismantle our own Cold War club.

So it seems to hold true that whenever the U.S. goes to war, which is often, military infrastructure grows but is subsequently never permitted to be reduced.

Afghanistan represents 53% of all American military foreign aid. Israel gets 22%. The rest of U.S. allies get the remaining 25%. Congressman Frank has steadfastly refused to look at cuts for Israel, but clearly it’s a notable, politically-motivated exception. And the Obama Administration has asked the Congressional Research Service to prepare estimates of spending in Afghanistan until 2021, and we haven’t heard enough Democrats complaining about these plans.

If we are serious about reducing frivolous foreign military expenditures, we need to close useless bases, cut aid to countries inflated to excess by special interests, and get out of Afghanistan now and not in another decade. The rest of Congressman Frank’s ideas may have some merit, but it seems to me he’s no different from the rest of Congress: he only wants to go on a low-armaments diet if all he has to do is throw the maraschino cherry on the sundae away.

Elected officials with nothing better to do

Besides all the other pledges the Religious Right takes nowadays — Anti-Abortion, Balanced Budget Amendments, No New Taxes for the Super-Rich, Defense of Marriage for Straight People, Repudiation of Global Warming, Fighting Evolution, or Promoting the Return of Christian Shariah — I sometimes wonder if they simply take a basic pledge to waste their time on social issues that are of interest only to a narrow group of narrow people.

Today’s Time Waster is Michelle Bachman’s new pledge to the National Organization for Marriage to defend straight people from harassment by gays and their straight enablers of the sinful gay lifestyle.

I am truly grateful that hordes of rowdy homosexuals and angry lesbians have never come to my street to harass me while I’m trying to have a nice quiet evening with my wife or tried to recruit me to the other team. So far, I’m working on my 3rd decade of marriage without ever receiving a single threat or so much as a peep from this apparently scary constituency.

On the other hand, I am more than a little disturbed that NOM and its supporters aren’t as tolerant when it come to letting gay people have their own quiet evenings without being demonized or asked to attend re-education camps. If anything, the defense of loving relationships is under attack by NOM.

And doesn’t Michelle Bachmann have anything better to do?

time-waster

The First Amendment Applies to Public Employees Too

The Standard Times editorial this morning (“Public Employees, Private Freedoms”) is a long piece defending the dismissal of Bourne firefighter Richard Doherty for griping that he had to work on the Fourth of July. To me, Doherty’s firing seemed to be just vindictiveness on the part of the town. After a somewhat tedious case law review (so that we fully appreciated all the “nuance” involved), the op-ed took the town’s side, offering the weakest of arguments:

“As a newspaper, we aggressively defend First Amendment rights, but Doherty’s behavior undermined public confidence in the town’s ability to provide emergency services. Public servants have a right to express their opinion, but there is no right to a job funded at taxpayer expense for conduct that breaches the public trust.”

First, does any sane person truly believe that Doherty’s gripes “undermined public confidence?” If undermining public confidence in government infrastructure is such a horrific betrayal of the public, please, let’s dismiss every Republican who has ever disparaged “Big Government” or actually undermined its effectiveness by slashing necessary services. But going after a guy because he whined about working on a holiday? Give me a break. I could see firing Mr. Doherty if he had refused to show up for work instead of merely griping.

Second, it seems to me, for all the nuanced case law review, the Standard Times misses the point that Constitutional freedoms are not abrogated the moment a person becomes a public employee. The First Amendment does not have a clause exempting prickly firemen from its protections.

The Standard Times editorial asks the question, whether a gay person could confidently receive services from a firefighter who had gone on record making homophobic remarks. Valid point, but once again, let’s ask this question about half of the Republican Party, including five candidates who want to roll back gay rights. Would a gay person accept help from a homophobe? Sure, if their house were burning down or they were going into shock. Being civil to those whose opinions we despise or who despise us is all part of living a society. We don’t have to like everyone who serves us. But they have to do their job.

The foregoing arguments also apply to the recent case of Anthony Weiner, whose antics have brought disgrace on him and his family. New York voters will have a chance to weigh in on Mr. Weiner’s effectiveness in a 2012 election. At that time they can decide if his personal actions warrant revoking the public’s trust in him. Frankly, Weiner’s wronged wife is the one who should be firing him, not the public which merely has a prurient fascination with sex scandals.

Far worse betrayals of the public trust go unchallenged and unmentioned daily in your pages. The president’s recent violation of the War Power Act, the fact we are now ensnared in combat in five Middle Eastern countries, our shameful foreign policy, and recklessly giving half the TARP money to the nation’s richest people. These are the real betrayals of public trust! Consider for a moment how many years the Democrats in the House Ethics Committee avoided any serious investigation of Charles Rangel and you understand how betrayal of the public is not a serious issue, to Republicans or Democrats.

Which brings me to the Standard Times.

As long as the press has colorful sex scandals to report or whining firemen to vilify in the op-ed page, it can continue to half-heartedly fulfill its duty to expose the truth of larger, more important issues. We have plenty of wars, employment, infrastructure, and budget crises a properly informed public needs to know about. Of course, in the age of embedded journalism, this requires going head to head with government, not simply being an echo chamber for it.

When the editor writes, “As a newspaper we aggressively defend First Amendment rights,” I want to shout something unprintable here. The hell you are! Why not simply give the vindictive town bureaucrat who just didn’t like Mr. Doherty space to vent in your own column?

The editor seems to have no grasp of what, truly, betrayal of the public consists.

This was published in the Standard Times on June 24, 2011
http://www.southcoasttoday.com/article/20110624/opinion/106240309

Needed – honesty from the State Department

Here’s an example of the lack of transparency and dishonesty from the State Department that led to the most recent Wikileaks disclosures.

I have written previously about the case of Abdallah Abu Rahmah, a non-violent Palestinian activist who was jailed for making a peace sculpture out of the many tear gas canisters and spent concussion grenades shot by Israel Defense Forces at people in the occupied village of Bi’lin. Recently Abdallah’s prison sentence was completed but Israel still keeps him locked away in Ofer Prison.

The case has been in the news for more than a year. Thousands of people around the world have written to their politicians and diplomats about Abu Rahmah. Former President Carter, Desmond Tutu, and a number of European diplomats have all spoken out about his case. It is inconceivable that people in the State Department are as clueless as they pretend to be.

Matthew Lee of the AP wire service has been trying unsuccessfully for weeks to get a straight answer from State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley about Abu Rahmah’s political imprisonment. The following clip shows the lengths that the State Department has gone to in deep-sixing any real concern for political prisoners and in deferring to Israel about human rights abuses.

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Person of the Year?

Mark Zuckerberg

Yesterday, with a second Depression afflicting the nation, two wars, Wikileaks, and the Tea Party rebellion, I discovered that TIME had decided to make Mark Zuckerberg, Facebook’s founder, its new Person of the Year for “connecting more than half a billion people and mapping the social relations among them; for creating a new system of exchanging information; and for changing how we all live our lives.” TIME’s Richard Stengel sees Facebook as not just a new social mechanism; it’s “the connective tissue for nearly a tenth of the planet.”

Accepting the honor (on Facebook), Zuckerberg wrote:

“Being named as TIME Person of the Year is a real honor and recognition of how our little team is building something that hundreds of millions of people want to use to make the world more open and connected. I’m happy to be a part of that.”

The Wall Street Journal quickly put its seal of approval on TIME’s choice with an essay by a philosopher-ethicist, no less, on why Facebook is so important to us. Humans, it appears, were apparently built to “breathe, eat, drink, sleep, defecate, and check Facebook.”

Thus, to the visionaries at TIME and the WSJ, Facebook is not only a new social function but a new bodily function and has been elevated to a replacement for normal human relationships. NPR showed a bit more skepticism, though, wondering if perhaps better choices might have been available to TIME’s editors. NPR’s poll showed 75% of NPR listeners thought someone else should have been chosen. ComputerWorld saw the choice of Zuckerberg as a snub to Julian Assange, who was also the leader in the NPR poll. Many journalists wondered what was going on in Richard Stengel’s mind.

Obama's Nobel Peace prize

Like the Nobel Prize award to Obama last year, Zuckerberg’s award does not come as a surprise in our new Snookified world. We do live in a society in which basketball players earn a thousand times more than teachers and ex-cons like Martha Stewart and Buddy Cianci have their own TV and radio shows. And maybe it’s simply to avoid predictability that undeserved awards are given in the first place.

Snooki

But undeserved? Is this really too harsh? How can one say that Zuckerberg, a white, privileged son of both a dentist and a psychiatrist, who came to Harvard via Philips Exeter academy and whose social networking creation may well be the result of theft or plagiarism, does not deserve the award?

Good old Facebook

After all, who doesn’t love self-indulgent narcissism? This is the true product of our collective use of Facebook — billions of digital pork sausages oozing from the grinder. If talking to one’s friends on a cell phone while visiting a rest room isn’t enough, Facebook lets people disclose even more about their one-night stands, drunken binges, the games they play on company time, or the fragile state of their mental health. You can post thousands of photos of yourself on Facebook. If you’re deranged, you can even post your suicide note, as Clay Duke did. How can something like this not be vital to the functioning of a society? We can get our 15 minutes of fame every day on Facebook.

Stengel tries to apply lipstick to the pig by describing how Facebook and Wikileaks are “two sides of the same coin”:

“Both express a desire for openness and transparency. While Assange attacks big institutions and governments through involuntary transparency with the goal of disempowering them, Zuckerberg enables individuals to voluntarily share information with the idea of empowering them. Assange sees the world as filled with real and imagined enemies; Zuckerberg sees the world as filled with potential friends.”

My Person of the Year

Apparently TIME’s editors, one would have supposed champions of the Fourth Estate’s responsibilities, don’t see transparency in government as something which empowers citizens in any way. For TIME, narcissism is true empowerment. Taking flak for his choice, Stengel said that “I do think something is going on deep down in the human character that’s changing and evolving. […] Is there a bigger story than that? I don’t think so.”

Stengel also justified passing over Julian Assange: “There is no Julian Assange without Bradley Manning,” he wrote, referring to the presumed source of many of the leaked classified documents.

He was right about that.

Bad Call by the Standard Times

Today’s Standard Times editorial (“Don’t weaken airport security”) is the result of good homework but bad analysis.

Acknowledging sperm mutations and an increased risk of cancer from the new “porno” scanners, the editors nevertheless advocate submitting to an imaging procedure which displays prostheses, colostomy bags, tampons, and the outline of genitals.

The editors warn that opting out of the virtual strip search and instead requesting an “enhanced pat-down” may not make them any happier. This second option, as it has sometimes been implemented, is neither enhanced nor a pat-down. It is simply sexual molestation by another name.

As terrorists get more sophis ticated, we will be called on to give up more and more of our privacy and our liberties. The Standard Times pooh-poohs the notion that these new procedures are indicative of a Big Brother society – but what’s next from the TSA when terrorists regularly start carrying explosives embedded in their bodies? Full strip and cavity searches?

Throwing away our right to privacy in the most intimate of ways is not the answer. Neither is privatizing air traffic safety. TSA agents, for all the outrageous things they are asked to do by the changing dictates of security agencies, are much more professional than their private sector predecessors. And neither is the answer to implement racial or ethnic profiling. Not only is it statistically useless, as a recent study by Professor William Press from the University of Texas at Austin shows, it leaves the door open to simple harassment. Just ask Donna Shalala, former US Secretary of Health and an Arab American, about her treatment at Ben Gurion airport last July. Apparently her profile as an American VIP and supporter of Israel were not as important as her profile as a suspicious 69-year-old Arab woman.

Until the root causes of terrorism have been addressed, attempts to bring down planes will continue. If Americans have no interest in discovering the real reasons our country has so many enemies, then we’d better get our scientists busy working on improving those million dollar bomb sniffers.

If my only choices are to have my genitals filmed or groped – or to be prohibited from traveling – these are not really choices at all. And this is indeed symptomatic of a Big Brother society with its rapidly multiplying security apparatus. I’m surprised the editors don’t find any of this as appalling as the average citizen does.

This was published in the Standard Times on November 27, 2010
http://www.southcoasttoday.com/article/20101127/opinion/11270344

Hanna Arendt on Anti-Semitism

hannah-arendt

In the first several chapters of her 1951 book On the Origins of Totalitarianism Hannah Arendt examined 19th century anti-Semitism and provided a class analysis of how it arose. As a classless group often associated with, under the protection of, providing services to, or granted special rights by the monarchy, Jews became a proxy for class antagonisms with the monarchy and among the European classes. First a declining aristocracy, then a scattered group of small political parties, each discovered that Jews were a useful substitute for challenging state power directly, and that anti-Jewish sentiment could be easily linked to religious antipathy for Judaism. The state religions, for their part, were only too happy to oblige. Even after the collapse of European monarchies, Jews continued to play a similar role in nationalist movements. And, of course, imperialism played a part in defining anti-Semitism.

Arendt’s analysis differs from the normative Jewish view, recited at Passover each year, that “in every generation they rise against us to destroy us.” Arendt dismissed this as a hollow explanation of anti-Semitism, but admitted it serves another purpose:

“In this situation, Jews concerned with the survival of their people would, in a curious desperate misinterpretation, hit on the consoling idea that anti-Semitism, after all, might be an excellent means for keeping the people together, so that the assumption of external anti-Semitism would even imply an eternal guarantee of Jewish existence.”

Arendt noted that the Jewish view was, strangely, precisely the same that the anti-Semites had of Jews. There was nothing historically unique, really, about a particular group of Jews. All Jews were simply an eternal plague to be fought, put down, or got rid of and, as she notes from Nazi records, anti-Semites coolly exterminated Jews without particular animus.

Whether one agrees with Arendt’s class analysis or not, it still seems clear that the historical causes of, and flavors of, anti-Semitism must be varied; that the relationship of Jews to the states in which they were persecuted — often first as protected, perhaps emancipated, in some cases elevated to the nobility — is not simple and does not indicate a generic, unwavering hate of Jews shared by everyone in every age. How otherwise could German Jews have succeeded in bourgeois society in the 18th and 19th centuries? How could Jews have attained influential posts in the various empires in which they lived during exile? The Book of Esther disqualifies itself as history but still seems to be a potent myth.

And if Arendt’s mechanics of anti-Semitism are correct and class antagonisms are at the heart of anti-Semitism, how then can antagonism to the state of Israel be explained? Since Andre Sakharov’s revisionist definition of anti-Semitism (based mainly on opposition to a Jewish state and not confined to simple baseless hatred) virtually every Diaspora Jewish organization has taken more interest in defending the state of Israel than in pursuing justice for individual victims of hate crimes. Arendt’s higher standard for defining anti-Semitism doesn’t seem to be at work in organizations like the ADL. But the Purimspil is recited as if a fact.

Could it be that antagonism toward Israel has nothing to do with Jews and everything to do with Zionism?

Review of Tom Segev’s 1949 – The First Israelis

I just read Tom Segev’s book, 1949: The First Israelis (ISBN 978-0805058963). Segev calls himself a First historian, as opposed to a New historian, in using only recently-available archive materials from the Knesset and national archives. 1949 is the story of the first years of the new Jewish state, told in the words of those who created it. There are many quotes, for example, from Ben Gurion’s diaries and from transcripts of Knesset sessions and other government meetings.

Segev spends a lot of time on Israeli immigration, the secular/religious divide, government austerity programs, school system(s), the relationship to other governments (particularly the US), and what is striking is that, as Ecclesiastes 1:9 puts it, “that which hath been is that which shall be, and that which hath been done is that which shall be done; and there is nothing new under the sun” applies nicely to tensions in the Jewish state which persist to this date.

For example, post-Zionism – the view that Zionism has done its job and that it’s now time to move on to make Israel a “normal” nation – is currently seen in Israel as a discredited aberration of the 1980’s and 1990’s. Or anti-Zionism – calling for a single, secular state of Jews and Arabs – is now seen as a contemporary response to the failure of a Two State solution. But Segev discusses some of the voices of the Canaanite Movement, like Yohanan Ratosh, who foresaw an Israel eventually without Jews. Of course, breaking as it did from right-wing Revisionist Zionism, the Canaanite movement was hostile to not only Judaism and Eastern European Yiddishkeit, but Islam and Arab civilization as well. It envisioned a secular, Hebraized, Middle Eastern culture encompassing former Jews, Arabs, and Druze. Other groups, like the Hashomer Hatzair, were militantly anti-religious. Organizations like “The League for the Prevention of Religious Coercion” sprang up within 3 years of the founding of the state. Religious Jews were described as “God’s Cossacks.”

Recent riots in Jerusalem over a parking lot could have been torn from the headlines of 1949. In May of that year, the haredi (ultra-Orthodox) rioted over ticket sales for movies on the Sabbath, and over automobile traffic in the Meah Shearim quarter. The haredi, operating on the warnings in Jeremiah 17:27, took “reproof” to mean even physical violence – arson, rock-throwing, home invasions, bare knuckles, and even biting people – and rioting were justified in protecting the peaceful day of rest. Segev, in the chapter entitled “The Battle for the Sabbath,” recounts how (to avoid writing) the ultra-Orthodox bent down the corners of their prayer books containing page numbers to record the license plates of Sabbath violators, whose cars were then torched later in the week.

Segev reminds us that American peace envoys have been involved in Palestine since the very founding of the state of Israel. In September 1948, when the Swedish UN negotiator, Folke Bernadotte, was murdered by Zionist terrorists, Ralph Bunche took over the UN negotiator’s role. Bunche negotiated the 1949 armistice agreement, for which he was awarded the 1950 Nobel Peace Prize.

And the Israeli relationship with America has often been as troubled as it is today. Although the United States was the first nation to recognize Israel, our support of the state was not the one-sided love-fest now cited by Israel’s defenders. Apparently, in recognizing Israel, the United States also expected (imagine!) that an Arab state would soon follow, in realizing the two states apportioned to the land by the United Nations. And the United States was dismayed by Israel’s already apparent plans to sacrifice peace for more land. Segev writes: > Mark Ethridge, the US delegate to the Lausanne conference, wrote President Truman that Israel’s inclination to base her future on her military security, while forgoing the chance of making peace, seemed “unbelievable,” in view of her being such a tiny state. According to him, he had tried to explain to the Israelis that they were endangering their own future and that of the entire Western world, but his efforts had been in vain.

Truman himself wrote to Ben-Gurion arguing in behalf of an Arab state “because he sympathized with the suffering of the Palestinian refugees, just as he had earlier supported the Zionist cause because he had sympathized with the Jewish refugees…” Ben-Gurion fumed about Truman’s letter: > The State of Israel was not established as a consequence of the UN Resolution. Neither America nor any other country saw the resolution through, nor did they stop the Arab countries (and the British mandatory government) from declaring total war on us in violation of UN resolutions. America did not raise a finger to save us, and moreover, imposed an arms embargo… […] There are no refugees – there are fighters who sought to destroy us, root and branch. […] The rebuke and the threatening style [of Truman’s letter] are incomprehensible.

Interestingly, not all distrust of the United States resulted from Israel’s rejection of American even-handedness. Some of it sprang from Israel’s founding as a state that rejected, at least initially, both Western civilization and capitalism. At the founding of Israel in 1948, MAPAM represented Marxist Zionists and had the second largest bloc, next to Ben-Gurion’s MAPAI party. But even Ben-Gurion himself did not regard Israel as a capitalist state. During the “austerity debates,” which resulted from immigration which overtook Israel’s ability to provide jobs and housing for the new olim, Ben-Gurion defended a planned and controlled economic system. He famously declared, “the state of Israel is not a capitalist state.”

Likewise, Americans were suspected of being members of the CIA with “Arabist” motives. When “Fred Harris”, a freelance American military advisor, actually one Fred Grunich, was asked by Ben-Gurion for his military advice, many in the Knesset openly interpreted the real motivation to the desire by the United States to spy on Israel.  American Jews too were seen as convenient sources of money but were regarded as second-rate Jews who were not prepared to suffer for the new state, as their Polish brethren had.

Israel’s selective enforcement of laws and endemic corruption have likewise been present since its founding, mainly as a consequence of the internal tensions within Israeli society, which have often caused competing groups to “look the other way” to either bolster their own power or prevent offense to another group. The take-away message is that Israel has always been less a nation of laws than a collection of ideologies and a series of handshake agreements. Conflict between religious blocks, MAPAM, and MAPAI, and major organizations like the Histradrut, the JNF, and the army actually made many fear civil war in the early years.

The discussion of the Nakba, now disputed and actually criminalized in Israel, is recounted in a number of memos and letters by various cabinet and Knesset members of Israel’s first government. As Arab village after village and Arab city after city were emptied and its inhabitants deported, it became clear that it was deliberate. While the American ambassador, James McDonald, argued for a return of the refugees, Ben-Gurion was “as hard as a rock” in his rejection of this. Moshe Sharett wrote: > The most spectacular event in the contemporary history of Palestine, in a way more spectacular than the creation of the Jewish state, is the wholesale evacuation of its Arab population. […] The opportunities opened up by the present reality for a lasting and radical solution of the most vexing problem of the Jewish state, are so far-reaching, as to take one’s breath away. The reversion to the status quo ante is unthinkable.

Josef Weitz, head of the Jewish National Fund, proposed measures designed to drive internally displaced refugees even farther into desolate areas: > They must be harassed continually.

1949 recounts the stories of the aliyot of Yemenite and Polish olim. Yemenites were regarded as savages and were subjected to horrendous conditions in the resettlement camps in Israel. Polish immigrants, by contrast, were put up in hotels.

The Kulturkampf between religious and secular worlds in Israel occupies a large portion of Segev’s book, particularly in the story of the Israeli school systems(s). Censorship, laws, agrarian policy, immigration, defense, housing, settlements – any topic the first Knesset ever discussed – is mentioned in this very readable, exceptionally interesting book.

Cheap Bastards

No, not you bean counters in Boston and in local town governments. I’m referring to every citizen of this fine state.

Boston just announced a cut of 900 jobs, including over 400 teaching positions. This is a 5.5% cut, or $107 million out of $833 million in Boston’s school budget, and a 6.2% reduction of the city’s 6500 teaching positions.

This all sounds reasonable until you hear that the city budget shortfall is estimated to be $140 million next year. As usual, schools are going to assume 75% of the burden.

In 1980 some cheap bastards – actually, we Massachusetts voters – voted for a referendum which capped property taxes at 2.5%. Proposition 2 1/2 thus became Massachusetts General Law Chapter 59 Section 21. For 28 years this law has guided the downward spiral of town and city services. In these hard times Proposition 2 1/2 will ensure that the downward spiral will end in death. Cynical banalities like “the schools just couldn’t compete” or “it’s time to privatize” will be uttered over the grave. And we will then look to casinos and corporations to come up with the money.

Wait a minute! Aren’t we currently bailing out the corporations?

Never mind. We’ll talk excitedly about how the new Duncan Donuts Academy, the Harrah’s Charter Schools, the McDonald’s pre-schools, and the Marvel Comics and National Enquirer libraries are providing services we used to pay for ourselves.

And all because we continue to be the same kind of cheap bastards the people on our block were 28 years ago. People who expect someone else to do it, someone else to pay for it, someone else to step up to do the right thing.

If there’s anything we can agree on in this consumer culture, it’s this: you get what you pay for. By paying for nothing, we get nothing. No future for our children, no future for young people, no stability for the elderly, no common dreams that bind our society. Proposition 2 1/2 has done enough damage. Repeal Massachusetts General Law 59 Section 21.

The next president needs judgment

In Wednesday’s editorial section Henry Nichols argues that an American president needs a military background. Our current president sort of has one, mainly confined to avoiding as much reserve duty as possible and strutting in costume aboard an aircraft carrier. But look at the damage he’s done to the country.

I would argue that a military background might be nice to have, but so would a previous career in some other, non-martial, area of public service. Most importantly, however, I would prefer his ability to seek advice, be open to talking to friends and enemies alike, to re-engage with the rest of the world, and to have sound judgment and high intelligence – all of which the current president lacks.

Mr. Nichols argues that a president should follow the advice of the generals, citing Patton and MacArthur as paragons of great advice. Patton was famously a racist and anti-Semite, notorious for slapping a hospitalized soldier, and insubordinate to President Eisenhower, who fired him. MacArthur, another strong force of nature, was similarly sacked for insubordination by Truman. I would agree with those who say that sometimes those who have seen war are most loath to enter into one. This seems to have applied to Eisenhower, but neither Patton nor MacArthur were cut from this cloth. MacArthur, for example, had advocated widespread atomic bombing of Korea and attacking China. This is why we entrust government to calm, sane people directly accountable to the public, who should be agonizing over decisions that may have horrendous consequences.

I will agree with Mr. Nichols that a president must seek advice from the military, but surely he knows that the president has the last word once a war is authorized by Congress. The president also must have a bigger picture in mind than simply managing military campaigns. The president is also responsible for shepherding our economic, health, education, energy, and environmental concerns – all of which have been severely neglected during this administration. With the biggest deficit in history, perhaps the next president should be a former economist.

Several of the other points Mr. Nichols makes in his letter simply make no sense. Bombing Hanoi may have gotten North Vietnam’s attention, but it certainly did not shake their resolve. Losing 2 million civilians to carpet and napalm bombing actually strengthened it. And his picture of Iraq as a beach head against hordes of violent Islamic extremists just waiting to overrun our shores is as ill-informed as it is comical. This costly U.S. invasion of the wrong country just inflamed people who think of themselves as patriots fighting foreign invaders.

No, whether economist, lawyer, or former soldier, the number one job qualification of our next president must be sound judgment. And a better knowledge of geography.

This was published in the Standard Times on August 2, 2008
http://www.southcoasttoday.com/20080802/opinion/808020308

Probe national economic priorities

I was disappointed with Steve DeCosta’s article (“Big Government”) in Sunday’s paper. His article was framed in the language of conservative tax activists, such as the Tax Foundation, whom he quoted, and it placed the spotlight on local government.

But the real issue is not whether local governments are wasting taxpayers’ money. It is why local governments are not getting the revenue they require to provide essential services.

It is also about our economic priorities at the national level. Mr. DeCosta’s article offered vague statistics and could have dug deeper to contribute to an informed debate over how we as a society choose to live together and determine and fund our social priorities.

Some of his statistics were not helpful. For example, “The Tax Foundation reports that about 30 percent of all American income is turned over to one government or another in the form of taxes.” Unfortunately, this says nothing about how or where the money is spent, or by whom.

So let’s check.

According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and the U.S. Census Bureau, federal taxes consume approximately 20.27 percent of average American incomes, state taxes 7.12 percent and local taxes 3.56 percent.

The article goes on to quote: “Between the feds, the state, and our cities and towns, 19.7 million people work for us,” the size of Madagascar, it points out. Or that one out of seven Americans is a government employee. But wouldn’t it be more useful to actually know what services these people are rendering and which type of government they come from?

Using figures drawn from the same government sources, we learn that 1.88 percent of all Massachusetts workers are employed by the federal government, 3.24 percent work for the state, and 6.53 percent work for local government. Of these local government employees, half are teachers; the rest dogcatchers, snow plow operators, police, fire, sanitation and medical workers.

What we see here is that local governments employ the most workers, who deliver the most direct services to taxpayers, yet they receive the least amount of tax revenue, even adjusting for state and federal transfers.

So why is the focus of Mr. DeCosta’s article on local government? Perhaps recent tax override referenda have inspired the theme. But if we really want to deal with the costs of government, we have to acknowledge that the federal government is getting most of our money.

Rather than giving local librarians pink slips and arguing with our neighbors, we should be paying more attention to how our federal taxes are spent and where the government jobs really are. This is where the article missed the boat.

So let’s take a look.

Of the nation’s 2.7 million federal employees, 770,000 are postal workers. After this, many of the remainder either carry guns or provide service to people who once carried guns. The VA runs a vast parallel medical care system that employs more than 250,000 people. Combined, the Departments of Defense, Homeland Security, Justice, and the spy agencies employ more than a million people.

In contrast, the Department of Labor employs 15,000 and Housing and Urban Development 10,000. These figures reflect our national priorities.

So, rather than standing out in the rain, waving picket signs urging the lowest possible local taxes at the local level, it might make sense to pony up for higher local and state taxes, lower federal taxes and exercise restraint on unnecessary expenditures — military spending and servicing the national debt come to mind.

It might make sense to ensure every American has medical insurance and to gradually shut down the parallel VA hospital system.

It might make sense to spend more on education to make Americans more competitive in the global economy, and less in creating defense bureaucracies or building electronic fences to keep out the poor.

It might make sense to spend more on developing mass transit infrastructure and less on automotive research or expanding the highway system.

These are topics we can all argue about, but at least our discussion will have turned to what kind of society we want to live in.

The debate over how we spend tax money is already highly politicized. Mr. DeCosta’s article suggests that local governments are doing their best with what they’ve got, and I agree.

But I would have preferred a more substantive article, particularly addressing use of our federal taxes, to fuel a public discussion of why it is we live together in a society, and what we should expect to both contribute and gain from doing so.

That’s a bigger and more important question.

This was published in the Standard Times on May 21, 2008
http://www.southcoasttoday.com/20080521/opinion/805210318

Dear America, November 3rd, 2004

Dear America:

The 2004 Presidential election is over, and a majority of you has chosen George Bush.

In an era of sound bytes, spin, and dog-wagging – and with the lies and unchecked statistics of today’s political campaigns – it is all too easy to conclude that you were deceived. But I believe the reality is far worse. You cast a vote yesterday for a peace-of-mind no one can honestly deliver to you and decisively condemned secular liberalism by embracing fundamentalist “moral values.” In so doing you have repudiated our Founders’ vision of America and our children’s’ futures.

This country, which now seems defined by SUV’s and cocooning in dens with 90-inch entertainment systems, now finds itself increasingly unemployed or underemployed, with a downsized space program that can’t even keep its budget Martian rovers running. Our social nets have failed. Almost half of Americans have no health insurance, a matching figure has no life insurance, and the Social Security system is in danger of being looted or privatized. Your answer to all of this is to build a new heavily-armed Roman Empire. And you thank your Evangelical gods that you have no responsibilities toward that other half of this nation.

Now, when those Chinese-manufactured entertainment systems of yours have a glitch, you phone in for support and reach a customer service person in Bangalore. Meanwhile, our schools are in crisis and privatization and “standards” have replaced any real funding. As long as you have a slogan like “No Child Left Behind,” you can safely ignore the reality. Much of the world is angry at America for its belligerence, self-interest, and meddling. You see the loss of our former educational, technological, and economic greatness as equivalent to the terrorist’s taunt, so little do you care for distinctions. More telling, your half cares little for what the rest of the world thinks. We own all the nukes and your half is developing increasingly itchy trigger fingers.

For many Americans, the future is a dark and uncertain place and national fears are tangible and multiply with every presidential speech or Homeland Security alert. You want mommy to make it better and you’ll believe anyone who promises that force equals security. Despite your seeming lack of interest in taking rational steps to ensure economic, energy and political success in the future, you cling to irrational views that you can buy or build this physical security. Even dogcatchers in this last election ran on platforms of “Keeping America Safe.” Soon it will be the mandate of house painters.

This new aversion to risk and uncertainty (except for your total disregard of the economy, foreign policy, education, technology, social security and medical care) has led to a country with zero-tolerance for dissent or unrest. Let’s forget for one moment that you have cheered while the Patriot Act has shredded our Constitution. Your expectations of security have led you to even worse excesses. Recently, the Boston Police shot a Red Sox fan to death in a massive show of force to protect – what? – the streets from a few drunken celebrants. Similarly, a University of Massachusetts student was burned severely by flash grenades deployed by the State Police breaking up similar Red Sox hooliganism. Your patriotic Homeland has now become one that now values its security – whatever that is – more than its children. So much for your moral values.

So, to all of you who have bought the fear and the false promises of security: you were not duped, but succumbed to your weaker nature, like victims of get-rich-quick schemes. You were motivated by ignorance and a lack of perspective of what is truly important in a society and in our national history. Led by your “moral values” to reject freedoms for gays, immigrants and dissenters. Led by your own self-absorption to deny the economic, medical and energy security we actually do have some control over. Led by blind animal fear and the false promise of security you will find is a mirage. You have chosen a leader as weak and as bereft of compassion and vision as you.

So, to you, the other half: you deserve the next four years of George Bush.

Your children do not.